Ron Paul: Ididn’twriteitnobodysaw mewriteityoucan’tproveanything.

“The quotations in The New Republic article are not mine and do
not represent what I believe or have ever believed. I have never
uttered such words and denounce such small-minded thoughts.

“In fact, I have always agreed with Martin Luther King, Jr. that
we should only be concerned with the content of a person’s character,
not the color of their skin. As I stated on the floor of the U.S.
House on April 20, 1999: ‘I rise in great respect for the courage and
high ideals of Rosa Parks who stood steadfastly for the rights of
individuals against unjust laws and oppressive governmental policies.’

“This story is old news and has been rehashed for over a decade.
It’s once again being resurrected for obvious political reasons on the
day of the New Hampshire primary.

“When I was out of Congress and practicing medicine full-time, a
newsletter was published under my name that I did not edit. Several
writers contributed to the product. For over a decade, I have
publically taken moral responsibility for not paying closer attention
to what went out under my name.”

— Ron Paul statement
on New Republic article

Leave it to a libertarian to take a laissez-faire approach to patently racist, nutball pamphleteering done in his name when it hits the national fan in the middle of a Republican presidential bid.

THAT’S RIGHT, free-marketeers and gold-standard campaigners, Ron Paul says he let his name be put on a newsletter and then, for years, had absolutely nothing to do with what was written therein.

He lent his name to a publication that supported David Duke in trying to create a Redneck Reich, said the Los Angeles riots of 1992 were quashed by African-Americans’ need to pick up welfare checks and opined that New York ought to be renamed “Welfaria,” “Zooville,” “Rapetown,” “Dirtburg,” or “Lazyopolis.” In all that time, we are supposed to believe, he was ignorant of all that the author or authors were writing in his name.

Or, alternatively, that he did know some of what others wrote — wrote intending that true believers would think it all came straight from Paul’s pen — was distressed by it but, for reasons known only to himself, did nothing. That would seem to be taking laissez-faire much too far . . . even for a libertarian.

Paul says he takes “moral responsibility” for what he reputedly never wrote. Or edited. Or knew about.

Sorry, but a long face is no moral disinfectant. And a man who cares so little for his own good name that he cannot repudiate or stop crackpot, racist rants that trade upon it cannot be entrusted with the well-being of a nation.

Goodbye, Ron Paul. And good riddance.

About to give it up for Ron Paul? Don’t.

Rule No. 1: Never, ever vote for a libertarian.

Rule No. 2: Rule No. 1 goes double for libertarians from Texas.

JUST WHEN the American media was about to anoint a genuine American eccentric — that’s what polite folks call a bigoted nut — as the “straight-talking candidate” of the 2008 election cycle, a writer for The New Republic actually engages in some actual journalism and digs years back into the Ron Paul archives.

What James Kirchick pulls from the fever-swamp muck is not pretty:

If you are a critic of the Bush administration, chances are that, at some point over the past six months, Ron Paul has said something that appealed to you. Paul describes himself as a libertarian, but, since his presidential campaign took off earlier this year, the Republican congressman has attracted donations and plaudits from across the ideological spectrum. Antiwar conservatives, disaffected centrists, even young liberal activists have all flocked to Paul, hailing him as a throwback to an earlier age, when politicians were less mealy-mouthed and American government was more modest in its ambitions, both at home and abroad. In The New York Times Magazine, conservative writer Christopher Caldwell gushed that Paul is a “formidable stander on constitutional principle,” while The Nation praised “his full-throated rejection of the imperial project in Iraq.” Former TNR editor Andrew Sullivan endorsed Paul for the GOP nomination, and ABC’s Jack Tapper described the candidate as “the one true straight-talker in this race.” Even The Wall Street Journal, the newspaper of the elite bankers whom Paul detests, recently advised other Republican presidential contenders not to “dismiss the passion he’s tapped.”

(snip)

Finding the pre-1999 newsletters was no easy task, but I was able to track many of them down at the libraries of the University of Kansas and the Wisconsin Historical Society. Of course, with few bylines, it is difficult to know whether any particular article was written by Paul himself. Some of the earlier newsletters are signed by him, though the vast majority of the editions I saw contain no bylines at all. Complicating matters, many of the unbylined newsletters were written in the first person, implying that Paul was the author.

But, whoever actually wrote them, the newsletters I saw all had one thing in common: They were published under a banner containing Paul’s name, and the articles (except for one special edition of a newsletter that contained the byline of another writer) seem designed to create the impression that they were written by him–and reflected his views. What they reveal are decades worth of obsession with conspiracies, sympathy for the right-wing militia movement, and deeply held bigotry against blacks, Jews, and gays. In short, they suggest that Ron Paul is not the plain-speaking antiwar activist his supporters believe they are backing–but rather a member in good standing of some of the oldest and ugliest traditions in American politics.

(snip)

The people surrounding the von Mises Institute–including Paul–may describe themselves as libertarians, but they are nothing like the urbane libertarians who staff the Cato Institute or the libertines at Reason magazine. Instead, they represent a strain of right-wing libertarianism that views the Civil War as a catastrophic turning point in American history–the moment when a tyrannical federal government established its supremacy over the states. As one prominent Washington libertarian told me, “There are too many libertarians in this country … who, because they are attracted to the great books of Mises, … find their way to the Mises Institute and then are told that a defense of the Confederacy is part of libertarian thought.”

Paul’s alliance with neo-Confederates helps explain the views his newsletters have long espoused on race. Take, for instance, a special issue of the Ron Paul Political Report, published in June 1992, dedicated to explaining the Los Angeles riots of that year. “Order was only restored in L.A. when it came time for the blacks to pick up their welfare checks three days after rioting began,” read one typical passage. According to the newsletter, the looting was a natural byproduct of government indulging the black community with “‘civil rights,’ quotas, mandated hiring preferences, set-asides for government contracts, gerrymandered voting districts, black bureaucracies, black mayors, black curricula in schools, black tv shows, black tv anchors, hate crime laws, and public humiliation for anyone who dares question the black agenda.” It also denounced “the media” for believing that “America’s number one need is an unlimited white checking account for underclass blacks.” To be fair, the newsletter did praise Asian merchants in Los Angeles, but only because they had the gumption to resist political correctness and fight back. Koreans were “the only people to act like real Americans,” it explained, “mainly because they have not yet been assimilated into our rotten liberal culture, which admonishes whites faced by raging blacks to lie back and think of England.”

This “Special Issue on Racial Terrorism” was hardly the first time one of Paul’s publications had raised these topics. As early as December 1989, a section of his Investment Letter, titled “What To Expect for the 1990s,” predicted that “Racial Violence Will Fill Our Cities” because “mostly black welfare recipients will feel justified in stealing from mostly white ‘haves.'” Two months later, a newsletter warned of “The Coming Race War,” and, in November 1990, an item advised readers, “If you live in a major city, and can leave, do so. If not, but you can have a rural retreat, for investment and refuge, buy it.” In June 1991, an entry on racial disturbances in Washington, DC’s Adams Morgan neighborhood was titled, “Animals Take Over the D.C. Zoo.” “This is only the first skirmish in the race war of the 1990s,” the newsletter predicted. In an October 1992 item about urban crime, the newsletter’s author–presumably Paul–wrote, “I’ve urged everyone in my family to know how to use a gun in self defense. For the animals are coming.” That same year, a newsletter described the aftermath of a basketball game in which “blacks poured into the streets of Chicago in celebration. How to celebrate? How else? They broke the windows of stores to loot.” The newsletter inveighed against liberals who “want to keep white America from taking action against black crime and welfare,” adding, “Jury verdicts, basketball games, and even music are enough to set off black rage, it seems.”

Such views on race also inflected the newsletters’ commentary on foreign affairs. South Africa’s transition to multiracial democracy was portrayed as a “destruction of civilization” that was “the most tragic [to] ever occur on that continent, at least below the Sahara”; and, in March 1994, a month before Nelson Mandela was elected president, one item warned of an impending “South African Holocaust.”

Martin Luther King Jr. earned special ire from Paul’s newsletters, which attacked the civil rights leader frequently, often to justify opposition to the federal holiday named after him. (“What an infamy Ronald Reagan approved it!” one newsletter complained in 1990. “We can thank him for our annual Hate Whitey Day.”) In the early 1990s, a newsletter attacked the “X-Rated Martin Luther King” as a “world-class philanderer who beat up his paramours,” “seduced underage girls and boys,” and “made a pass at” fellow civil rights leader Ralph Abernathy. One newsletter ridiculed black activists who wanted to rename New York City after King, suggesting that “Welfaria,” “Zooville,” “Rapetown,” “Dirtburg,” and “Lazyopolis” were better alternatives. The same year, King was described as “a comsymp, if not an actual party member, and the man who replaced the evil of forced segregation with the evil of forced integration.”

While bashing King, the newsletters had kind words for the former Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, David Duke. In a passage titled “The Duke’s Victory,” a newsletter celebrated Duke’s 44 percent showing in the 1990 Louisiana Republican Senate primary. “Duke lost the election,” it said, “but he scared the blazes out of the Establishment.” In 1991, a newsletter asked, “Is David Duke’s new prominence, despite his losing the gubernatorial election, good for anti-big government forces?” The conclusion was that “our priority should be to take the anti-government, anti-tax, anti-crime, anti-welfare loafers, anti-race privilege, anti-foreign meddling message of Duke, and enclose it in a more consistent package of freedom.” Duke is now returning the favor, telling me that, while he will not formally endorse any candidate, he has made information about Ron Paul available on his website.

SO WHILE MANY OF US have delighted in Paul’s blistering attacks on the Bush Administration and its Dirty Little War, we need to take a step back and examine where that opposition is coming from. It’s not coming from a good place.

And not only do you not want to give hateful cranks your hard-earned money or your precious vote, you also don’t want to give anyone affiliated with the kind of hateful agitprop unearthed by The New Republic something just as important — credibility.

It’s bad enough that Paul and his hangers-on have been demonstrated to be race-baiters. But nooooooo. . . .

Just when you think it’s as bad as it can get — that a lot of Americans have devoted their time and treasure to putting the clinched fist of some pissed-off, antisocial, racist crank firmly on the nuclear launch button — out come the tinfoil hats:

The newsletters are chock-full of shopworn conspiracies, reflecting Paul’s obsession with the “industrial-banking-political elite” and promoting his distrust of a federally regulated monetary system utilizing paper bills. They contain frequent and bristling references to the Bilderberg Group, the Trilateral Commission, and the Council on Foreign Relations–organizations that conspiracy theorists have long accused of seeking world domination. In 1978, a newsletter blamed David Rockefeller, the Trilateral Commission, and “fascist-oriented, international banking and business interests” for the Panama Canal Treaty, which it called “one of the saddest events in the history of the United States.” A 1988 newsletter cited a doctor who believed that AIDS was created in a World Health Organization laboratory in Fort Detrick, Maryland. In addition, Ron Paul & Associates sold a video about Waco produced by “patriotic Indiana lawyer Linda Thompson”–as one of the newsletters called her–who maintained that Waco was a conspiracy to kill ATF agents who had previously worked for President Clinton as bodyguards. As with many of the more outlandish theories the newsletters cited over the years, the video received a qualified endorsement: “I can’t vouch for every single judgment by the narrator, but the film does show the depths of government perfidy, and the national police’s tricks and crimes,” the newsletter said, adding, “Send your check for $24.95 to our Houston office, or charge the tape to your credit card at 1-800-RON-PAUL.”

TRULY, THIS IS STUFF from the bowels of the darkest of America’s malaria-as-politics swamps. And when the mosquitos occasionally swarm out of the heart of darkness, all kinds of folk — and the institutions they make up — can get the fevers that wrack the body and cloud the mind.

I’ve seen it. Don’t go there.

HAT TIP: Boar’s Head Tavern.

Martin died for fools like this?

I guess the TV lady’s stories weren’t on today.

Instead, Sharon Jasper was at the New Orleans City Council meeting screaming “racist” at a white man who favored demolishing four of the city’s housing projects in favor of mixed-income developments.

LATER, Jasper complained to the council that opponents were being treated “inhuman” and that she liked to have nice things, like anyone else.

She said she grew up in the projects, and her family always had nice things, because they wanted live well. She said that, in her now-abandoned apartment in the projects, she had a side-by-side refrigerator-freezer.

Because she likes nice things. Like her 60-inch TV. Inside the publicly funded apartment she occupies. Because she doesn’t have the money to actually pay rent herself.

I guess it’s racist to suggest that if you don’t have the money to pay rent, you don’t have the money to be buying big-screen televisions.

Hell, I would like a big-screen TV. Unfortunately, we have this thing called a “house payment.” Unlike Sharon Jasper, the unwitting spokesmodel for What the Hell is Wrong With New Orleans. Well, at least a sizable chunk of what’s wrong with New Orleans — and a big, big part of why the rest of America has had it up the wazoo with the Crescent City.

You don’t believe this ex-Louisianian who now lives in the Midwest? Check out the comboxes for any story having anything to do with Katrina and federal aid for New Orleans.

Can anyone say “extreme sense of entitlement”? How about “extreme outlook-reality disconnect”?

Then again, we’re all just racists. Unlike the saintly souls engaging in a near-riot outside City Hall and the ones inside the council chamber shouting down council members and brawling with police.

Attacking police officers. At the city council meeting.

HERE’S A BIT of The Times-Picayune’s liveblogging on the contentious council meeting way down yonder . . . in America’s Chechnya:

11 a.m.: Meeting begins after several people ousted from chambers

The council finally opens the meeting, with the customary pledge to allegiance and the playing of the national anthem. At this time, several people have been removed by police, including rapper Sess 4-5, who when asked for his real name by a reporter, replies, “F—- off.”

The chamber is filled and quiet, after the fracas that broke out in the center of the chamber near the podium.

10:54 a.m.: Protesters scream as they are forcibly ejected

Protester Krystal Muhammad is carried out of the chamber by a group of police and deputies. She screams repeatedly. “I’m not a slave!” she shouts. A second woman is also forcibly removed, as Fielkow calls the meeting to order, one hour late.

“Next time you’ll be asked to leave,” an officer tells the remaining crowd. “Plain and simple.”

The Rev. James Smith gives the invocation: “May we never be lazy in our work for peace. May we honor those who have died in defense of our ideals….Help all of us to appreciate one another.”

10:50 a.m.: Fights break out, police struggle to maintain order

A struggle breaks out in council chambers. Police officers race to break it up. At least three people are ejected, as shouting fills the chamber. A woman slaps at a cameraman’s lens, drawing his ire.

“Security, security,” Council President Arnie Fielkow says into the microphone. “If you do not obey the rules, you must leave.”

Krystal Muhammad shouts out, “I’m not going nowhere.”

10:42 a.m.: Protesters boo council members

Several protesters greet the council members with boos and slurs. Krystal Muhammad calls Council Member Stacy Head a racist. Head responds by blowing a kiss and waving to her.

Muhammad keeps shouting. “Stacy Head, she’s the real devil in charge!”

Jay Arena shouts, “Jackie Clarkson, you’re a sell-out.”

10:37 a.m.: Council finally enters to howls from audience

Council members begin entering the chamber.

“Bring your coward selves out here!” Krystal Muhammad shouts. “Let the people in here. We’ve got plenty of seats in here.”

Muhammad, who says she is with the New Black Panther Party, calls out to the council members: “You no good sell outs. I bet your house is still standing!”

10:30 a.m.:Lawyer criticizes council for limiting audience

City Hall officials stick by their earlier statement that they are limiting the crowd to 278 for safety reasons. Council members still haven’t entered the room. The meeting was set for 10 a.m.

Attorney Tracie Washington accused officials of changing the rules for the public housing crowd.

“That’s retarded,” Washington says to Peggy Lewis, clerk of council. “You have to let these people in. You’ve got 800,000 police here. Ain’t nobody going to do anything in here.”

10:22 a.m.: Both sides wait for meeting to start, words exchanged

“I’m for the demolition and rebuilding,” says John Ales, 42, a cook who lives in Mid-City. He is the man seated behind Sharon Sears Jasper, who minutes earlier had called him a “racist white man.”

Meanwhile, the council members have yet to enter the chamber. A man is shouting in front of a bevy of video cameras about the homeless problem and how he is from public housing. “All of us are getting screwed,” he shouts.

10:15 a.m.: Audience told they must take a seat, tempers flare

The meeting hasn’t started yet. Council members haven’t entered the chamber.

Civil sheriff’s deputies continue to try and keep order, telling the people inside that they may not stand during the meeting and that everyone must have a seat. Tempers flare in one section of the chamber.

“You’re a racist white man,” Sharon Sears Jasper, a former St. Bernard complex resident shouts at a man seated behind her.

“Ma’am, the color of my skin isn’t the issue,” the man replies.

“Stop the demolition! Stop the demolition!” several people start chanting.

My television is a 33-year-old Sony

UPDATE: I humbly thank Michelle Malkin and other bloggers who have linked to my little takedown of the TV Lady. It’s been a big 24 hours for the Revolution 21 website. Geez, I’m not even a conservative . . . except when it comes to social issues.

But while you’re visiting Revolution 21’s Blog for the People, I beg you to read this and this — a pair of entries far more consequential than anything I might have to say about someone so petty and, ultimately, unimportant as the TV Lady. Until and unless the TV Lady comes to love Jesus more than she hates whitey, there’s not much that can be done for her.

LIKEWISE, until and unless all those in New Orleans like the TV Lady get a clue and get some perspective — and this goes double for all those who use the TV Lady as cover for hating the poor, African-Americans or both — there isn’t much hope for a beautiful and once-great city. In that case, history will take care of them all. And all our outrage and witty takedowns of ungrateful morons really won’t change anything and, thus, are unimportant.

In the grand scheme of things, for each one of us and for the good society we wish to build, what’s important is this. And this.

We need to encourage young men and women to be like what I write about here. And here.

And we must mourn when the good die young. What once were important pieces of our hope suddenly aren’t there anymore.

While cutting loose on scoundrels like the TV Lady can be important and instructive, cursing the darkness isn’t nearly so important as lighting candles. Before you read my post about the TV Lady, I beg you . . . go here. And here.

Help people — especially young people of every color, gender, class and ethnicity — become good men and good women. Celebrate them.

And, as I do now, weep bitter tears when we lose them. God bless you, and merry Christmas.

This is rich. The public-housing Don Quixotistas down in New Orleans are chaining themselves to buildings scheduled for demolition and blockading federal offices to keep The Man from tearing down any more housing projects.

THEY CITE the need for affordable low-income housing post-Katrina but, the thing is, hundreds of rehabbed public units are going begging for tenants, according to local housing authorities. And the poverty petri dishes scheduled to come down got that kiss of death long before New Orleans got swamped.

From The Times-Picayune:

As housing activists continued to protest the proposed demolition of four public housing complexes, federal housing officials provided new details Tuesday about hundreds of public housing units available across New Orleans, with dozens of units ready for occupants in the B.W. Cooper, the former Desire and the Guste developments.

Housing officials said hundreds of private apartments where disaster or Section 8 vouchers can be used are also available to help meet the needs of displaced public housing residents, both in the short and long term.

Meanwhile, activists staged a protest on the steps of City Hall, saying procedural snags, as well as extra costs for utilities and security deposits, put those options out of reach for many poor people. Furthermore, some alleged “slum” conditions at those properties, and they have said they don’t trust housing officials to make good on promises of mixed-income redevelopments that will welcome the poor.

Federal Department of Housing and Development officials said the local public housing supply outstrips demand. Currently, 1,762 public housing units are occupied and nearly 300 are available or within weeks of being ready at eight Housing Authority of New Orleans complexes and at scattered housing authority sites.

Another 802 public housing units across the city are being repaired and will be put to use in the coming year, housing officials said.

(snip)

If the council approves demolition, mixed-income developments would open at the St. Bernard, B.W. Cooper, C.J. Peete and Lafitte sites within months. In addition to the total of 900 public housing units, the three complexes would include 900 market-rate rental units and 900 homes for sale at the four long-standing public housing sites, according to current proposals. Many of the homes for sale would be reserved for first-time home buyers, with financial subsidies designed to allow former public housing families to become property owners.

But the target of 3,343 public housing units in New Orleans is a flashpoint because it represents a drop of about one-third from the 5,100 units occupied before Hurricane Katrina in 2005.

As the city repopulates, housing officials say, other demands for housing can be met through use of vouchers that can be used for private apartments, the quality of which is in dispute. HANO officials say they inspect private units, more than 500 of which are listed on the housing authority’s Web site, but activists say poor conditions in many units deter renters.

SO WHAT GIVES? Apart, of course, from the existential angst of spoiled white kids for whom wearing Che Guevara T-shirts is not enough.

Beats me. It must be a New Orleans thang. Poor folks up here in Omaha want the projects gone.

Then again, maybe the core of lifelong public-housing tenants the Don Quixotistas seem to be advocating for have developed a taste for dungheaps, and they demand to live in dungheaps in the old ‘hood, and they further demand that taxpayers pay for them to live in dungheaps in the old ‘hood.

Or else.

If this woman interviewed in the Picayune is any indication, affordable housing is not the biggest problem here:

Sharon Jasper, a former St. Bernard complex resident presented by activists Tuesday as a victim of changing public housing policies, took a moment before the start of the City Hall protest to complain about her subsidized private apartment, which she called a “slum.” A HANO voucher covers her rent on a unit in an old Faubourg St. John home, but she said she faced several hundred dollars in deposit charges and now faces a steep utility bill.

“I’m tired of the slum landlords, and I’m tired of the slum houses,” she said.

Pointing across the street to an encampment of homeless people at Duncan Plaza, Jasper said, “I might do better out here with one of these tents.”

Jasper, who later allowed a photographer to tour the subsidized apartment, also complained about missing window screens, a slow leak in a sink, a warped back door and a few other details of a residence that otherwise appeared to have been recently renovated.

At the City Hall protest, a crowd of people railed against “privatization and gentrification of the city,” saying it would be a mistake to raze well-built public housing at a time when so many people need affordable housing. One of their leaders, Loyola University law professor Bill Quigley, said it’s appropriate that advocates for the poor from across the country have gathered in New Orleans to help fight the demolitions.

“This is a national scandal,” he said.

THESE ACTIVISTS ARE NUTS. See the picture above this post? Sharon Jasper sitting in her “slum house.”

With her 60-inch, high-definition TV.

I think that apartment looks pretty good. I wish my house looked that good. I wish I had a 60-inch HDTV, too.

This is a picture of a TV just like the one we have in our living room, a 1974 Sony KV-1203:

I MUST ADMIT, this is our small television. The “big” television in the basement family room is a 1984 Sony 19-inch stereo model. We were so proud that we had the scratch to buy such a nice TV back in the day.

Maybe we ought to have demanded that the citizens of Springfield, Mo., (where we lived then) just buy a fuggin’ Sony stereo television for us. And pay for our apartment — which was NOT as nice as Sharon Jasper’s — while they were at it.

I’ll tell you what. If the “slum lady” really thinks she’d be better off living in a van down by the river — or in a tent across from City Hall . . . whatever — don’t let your slum apartment’s warped door hit you in the ass as you hightail it to Nirvana.

And I’ll take your “slum house.” I’ll even fix the faucet and hang a new door.

ALL I NEED is for somebody in New Orleans to hire me and my mad language and radio-production skillz for a fair wage — enough to make rent, eat food and pay my bills.

Oh . . . while I’m thinking of it, Sharon, could you leave the big-ass TV for the wife and me? I mean, after all, there ain’t no electricity down there at the homeless encampment.

You wouldn’t even be able to watch your stories.

Jena: The gift that keeps on giving

The latest installment in Nooses Across America, this time from the Omaha World-Herald:

The U.S. Army Reserve is investigating allegations that an officer hung a noose in the Council Bluffs office of an African-American sergeant and Iraq war veteran, Army officials said Friday.

Sgt. Tiffany Robinson filed a complaint alleging that her commander, 1st Lt. Harold Hessig, a part-time reservist who also works as a Bellevue police detective, left a rope tied in a noose hanging from a pipe in their office in October.

Robinson, who served in Iraq with the Reserve’s 784th Transportation Company, requested transfer to a new assignment, saying she felt that her civil rights had been violated.

“I felt it very offensive and psychologically damaging. I don’t feel safe,” she wrote in the complaint sent to Army Reserve officials.

Except to confirm that an investigation is in progress, Reserve officials declined to comment Friday.

“There is a formal investigation into these allegations that is currently under way. Until that is complete, we can’t comment on the case,” said Lt. Col. Kathy Klein, spokeswoman for the Reserve’s 89th Regional Readiness Command in Wichita, Kan., which oversees Nebraska Reserve units.

Hessig did not return calls to the Bellevue Police Department seeking comment. A home phone listing for him had been disconnected.

Bellevue Police Chief John Stacey said that in light of the Army investigation, the department has opened an internal investigation into Hessig’s actions. He remains on duty while the inquiry continues, Stacey said.

In Hessig’s 7½ years with the Police Department, no complaints have been lodged against him, Stacey said. He said Hessig had compiled an “exemplary record.”

Stacey said Hessig left the department in 2004 to serve with the Army Reserve in Afghanistan, returning in 2006.

“I’m a little shocked they’d consider him at the center of this,” the chief said. “I think they’ll probably find out they’ve got the wrong guy, but that’s what investigations are for. We’ll find out.”

According to her complaint, Robinson walked into her Reserve office in October to find Hessig and another soldier fashioning a noose out of a piece of rope that Robinson had found earlier in a file cabinet.

Robinson said she felt uncomfortable and left the office but “brushed it off” after she returned and didn’t see the noose anywhere.

She said she found the noose hanging from a heating pipe in the office the following Monday.

“I don’t know what the intentions were behind it or if it was racial at all, but I am very offended. I don’t feel safe at home or at work,” Robinson wrote in her complaint. “I don’t think Lt. Hessig would intentionally do anything to hurt me, but under the circumstances I can’t be 100 percent sure.”

Robinson said she received several apologies from Hessig but that his attempts at reconciliation began to worry her when he showed up unannounced at her home.

Jena’s gift to the world: Lynch-mob chic

Just think, the high-school kids who started the hottest fashion accessory for White Power Nation only got a suspension after they hung those first nooses from Jena (La.) High School’s “white tree.”

But their sick handiwork has struck a sick chord among whack jobs and redneck idiots across the land. The latest noose sighting is just across the state from Jena, as reported by The Shreveport Times, is at the LSU Health Sciences Center:

A worker found a noose hanging at LSUHSC-Shreveport on Wednesday morning, the same day the new LSU System president made his first visit to the campus. The rope was in a break room and had a noose on both ends, hospital administrators said.

Only certain workers can enter the room, a prepared statement says. Chancellor and Dean John C. McDonald would not say who can enter.

System President John Lombardi, who took the helm in July, likened hanging the noose to a hate crime. He said the act is “reprehensible and will not be tolerated.” A federal investigation is ongoing, McDonald says in a release. LSUHSC administration refused comment on any other specific questions. The Western District of the U.S. attorney’s office did not return a Times phone call for comment.

THERE IS NO SUCH THING as personal — or private — sin. Sin is a cancer; it metastasizes.

Sin is a big rock thrown into a tranquil pond; there are ripples.

And if the sin is ugly enough, and if a community puts up with it enough — enables it enough — it can have “legs.” It can run amok. Just like those nooses hung from the “white tree” in a Louisiana backwater called Jena.

UPDATE: Here, from the USA TODAY editorial page Oct. 5, is one of the best things I’ve read on the whole Jena mess.

Mr. Mellencamp is right. And people are mad.

This episode of the Revolution 21 podcast goes out to those people who, seven years into the 21st century, have firm convictions that any questioning of the “justice” occurring in Jena, La., is worth “f*** you and f*** Mychal Bell” or ungrammatical assertions that you’re on the side of rampant criminality.

OF COURSE, for many of these folks, I’m sure the all-black Jena Six’s so-called rampant criminality equals “boys will be boys” when the schoolyard fight is an all-white affair.

In other words, we’re going to hear John Mellencamp’s brand-new release, “Jena.” The one that’s got the town’s mayor so darn mad, not to mention so much of the right-wing universe railing against “liberal rock musicians.”

After all, isn’t the White Right rather proving Mr. Mellencamp’s point with their overreaction and venom?

Otherwise, we’ve got a pretty diverse show for you this week — as usual. Not to mention a sweet “little” set of tasty tunes.

It’s the Big Show, and it’s designed to rock your world. One way or another.

Be there. Aloha.

Jena’s strange fruit spreads across the land

This is a story about how there is no such thing as private sin, or sin that stays between what we think of as “the offender” and “the offended.”

This is a story about how sin is a great big rock, and how dirty, rotten sinners (and that would be all of us) take that big rock and pitch it in the pond, just for the hell of it. And then big ripples spread across the water’s surface from the splashdown point.

AND THE LITTLE WAVES upend little Johnny’s little boat, prompting little Johnny to take out his frustration on his little sister. Which causes little Johnny’s dad, upset that the commotion has disturbed his peace and quiet — not to mention his fishing — to beat the hell out of both of them.

Then, little Johnny’s mom, upset that her old man has flown off the handle again, starts to think that maybe this is the last straw, that she ought to take the kids and leave his sorry ass.

Now consider that the nooses that hung from that schoolyard oak tree in Jena, La., constituted a damned big rock, and it made a damned big splash. And consider that the idea of responding to a black kid wanting to sit under the “white tree” with hangman’s nooses — a potent reminder of all the “strange fruit” that’s hung from Southern trees throughout history — doesn’t come from nowhere.

Consider that it does take a village to raise a child, and that when it comes to hating your fellow man, you’ve got to be carefully taught.

The ripples from the sins of some hateful rednecks in Jena, La., suddenly start to resemble a hurricane on the open sea.

AND IT’S JUST BEEN BUMPED UP to a Category 5, as The Associated Press reports:

In the months since nooses dangling from a schoolyard tree raised racial tensions in Jena, La., the frightening symbol of segregation-era lynchings has been turning up around the country.

Nooses were left in a black Coast Guard cadet’s bag, at a Long Island police station locker room, on a Maryland college campus, and, just this week, on the office door of a black professor at Columbia University in New York.

The noose – like the burning cross – is a generations-old means of instilling racial fear. But some experts suspect the Jena furor reintroduced some bigots to the rope. They say the recent incidents might also reflect white resentment over the protests in Louisiana.

“It certainly looks like it’s been a rash of these incidents, and presumably, most of them are in response to the events in Jena,” said Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks white supremacists and other hate groups. “I would say that as a more general matter, it seems fairly clear that noose incidents have been on the rise for some years.”

Thousands of demonstrators, including the Revs. Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, converged on Jena on Sept. 20 to decry what they called a racist double standard in the justice system. They protested the way six blacks were arrested on attempted murder charges in the beating of a white student, while three whites were suspended but not prosecuted for hanging nooses in a tree in August 2006.

The noose evokes the lynchings of the Jim Crow South and “is a symbol that can be deployed with no ambiguity. People understand exactly what it means,” said William Jelani Cobb, a professor of black American history at Spelman College in Atlanta.

He said the Jena incident demonstrated to some racists how offensive the sight of a noose can be: “What Jena did was reintroduce that symbol into the discussion.”

Though the terror of the civil rights era is gone, the association between nooses and violence – even death – remains, Potok said.

“The noose is replacing the burning cross in the mind of much of the public as the leading symbol of the Klan,” Potok said.

I DON’T WANT TO HEAR a word of complaint from Jena’s mau-mauing mayor about how John Mellencamp done went and did his town wrong. What’s happened there — and spread far and wide — doesn’t come out of nowhere, and I think we all have a pretty good idea about the origin of the sparks that lit a thousand fires.